Showing posts with label Documents and Macedonia. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Documents and Macedonia. Show all posts

Sunday, June 21, 2009

An academic response to Professor Joseph on Modern Greek Studies Association

The critical input by Professor Brian Joseph[1], a respected linguist and an authority on South Slavic Linguistics is greatly appreciated.

Let me state from the outset that I recognize the hard work behind the late Vasko Karadza’s dictionary. Obviously, this was a labour of love. It should be noted though that this dictionary which is promoted by Vinozhito, the self-described party of the “Macedonian minority” in Greece, compares the Greek language to the Slavonic language spoken in the Former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM) in its standard form, and not to the local Slavonic dialects used by bilingual inhabitants in Greek Macedonia.

More to the point: It is indisputable that the Slavonic dialects, which are akin to (and are largely based upon) Slavonic Bulgarian, spoken by an unspecified number of bilingual indigenous inhabitants in Greece's northern hinterland, are different from the language codified in Skopje in November, 1944 by the linguist Blago Konev (later known as Blaze Koneski) under orders from Josip Broz Tito. I link this here:http://www.panmacedonian.info/NY_times_1965.htm [2] If this language was codified for political reasons in the 1940's (as one of the instruments of Yugoslav communist propaganda exploiting the bane of the Greek Civil War) why should we, the bilingual Hellenes of Greek Macedonia, accept this as a "Macedonian" language?

On the matter of identity, the people of FYROM have every right to a distinctive national identity and separate language distinct from their historically connected Bulgarian and/or Southern Slavic roots. No reasonable person will deny them their right to self-determination. What Greece (as a State) and most Greeks object to is the self-determination of citizens of FYROM and their Diaspora as being the bona fide "Macedonians." The monopoly of the terms 'Macedonians' and 'Macedonian' by Skopje underlies major political stakes. Despite nuanced claims to the contrary, this negates the collective memory and identity of Macedonian Hellenism, its history, its culture, its folklore and its symbols, all the way to its local/regional products and commodities.

Self-determination is defined as the free choice of a person's own acts and desires without external compulsion. This is the real reason why Greeks object to what Macedonism is attempting to accomplish in Greek Macedonia. Macedonism is acting as a pounding external agitator driven by a State-sponsored ethnocentric nationalist creed with 21st century irredentist visions. The Greek people see a spade and call the spade.

Let me make this clear: There is no pervasive support coming from Slavophone bilingual Greeks for self-determination as "Macedonians" with the connotation of the word that Skopje wants to give. Nor is there an overt expression of yearning by the local inhabitants to learn the Slavonic language of FYROM (in its standard form) – contrary to what Skopje and its Diaspora activists would like the international community to believe. "Macedonian" is not a language that we want to call our dialects, which we have been calling "Bulgarian (Voulgarika)" for generations. I am of the view that one can’t impose on a population something that the people don’t want. Along these lines, may I also submit that the dictionary promoted by Professor Friedman and Vinozhito does not represent our local oral dialects. What Skopje, Vinozhito, and by virtue of association Professor Friedman, are engaged in is tantamount to sheer political activism.

It is worth mentioning here that Vinozhito received a total of 4524 votes in all of Greece during last week's European Parliamentary elections. Only 2594 votes came from Greek Macedonia itself. That Vinozhito is free to hold associations, and promote their agenda throughout Greece is evident. However, their website is run by ultranationalist Macedonist circles from overseas (the people behind Maknews.com) who repeatedly engage in malicious expressions of rampant hatred and racist slurs while demonstrating virulent hostility against the modern Greek state.

If Professor Joseph so chooses to "distance [himself] from extreme nationalistic views on all sides, the debate, governmental and nongovernmental, Macedonian and Greek [because] they have no foundation in linguistic science and serve no useful purpose," then he should also choose to distance himself from the political operation of Macedonist propaganda with which some of his colleagues maintain strong ties.

It is high time for respected scholars to desist from speaking pedantically on politically sensitive issues, and to be aware of those hiding behind a veil of political expediency. Bilingual Macedonian Greeks have been able to preserve, cherish and celebrate their heritage and their oral local Slavonic, Vlach or Arvanite dialects, throughout the centuries. More importantly, they do not seek the intervention of outside patrons and saviours with political agendas. Yes, historically there were some isolated low moments of linguistic persecution but the people’s collective memories are a testament of endurance of their deeply entrenched Greek identity.

Let it be known in no uncertain terms that the vast majority of bilingual Macedonian Greeks have no interest whatsoever of accepting the codified standardized language of Skopje as their mother tongue let alone as the language of a purported "Macedonian minority” in Greece’s northern prefectures. Historically, the complete failure of Roumanian schools in Grecovlach communities in Thessaly, Epirus and Macedonia during the interwar years of the last century should be a vivid reminder to the patrons and champions of “ethnolinguistic minorities” in modern Greece.

Condemning the unacceptable behaviour of extremist thugs of Chrysi Avghi, I would like to point out that the people who reacted inappropriately to the presentation of the late Vasko Karadza’s dictionary in Athens were individuals from the fringes of Greek society. Suffice it to say that it is grossly unfair for the entire Greek nation to be vilified in this regard by the Friedmans of academia.

Greeks of the Metropolis and the Diaspora have shown that they have more mature ways of dealing with staged political provocations.

by Christos Karatzios MD
Modern Greek Studies Association


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NOTES

[1]-On Mon, 6/15/09, at Modern Greek Studies Association Professor Brian Joseph wrote:

Finally, since Mr. Caratzas seems to want "meta-data" about those posting to the list, as well as various sorts of declarations, let me say for the record that Victor Friedman is a dear friend of mine of long standing and that he and I have been collaborating for several years on a book on the Balkan languages to be published in the next year or two (2010 or 2011) by Cambridge University Press.

With regard to the Macedonianlanguage and the Macedonians, I endorse the rights of the Macedonians to linguistic self-determination (as I do for all peoples and especially for all minorities). I do recognize that the names used for languages constitute a politically charged issue but would urge parties to loook beyond the name and embrace self-determination, difficult though that may be.

Professor Friedman's point about the pressing need to document under-described language varieties in Greece (including Macedonian, Arvanitika, Aromanian (Vlaxika), Romani, Pomak, Judezmo, and Turkish) cannot be overemphasized, and the same holds for under-described dialects of Greek itself (including Pontic, Tsakonian, and al regional varieties).

And, for the record, I distance myself from extreme nationalistic views of all sides , the debate, governmental and nongovernmental, Macedonian and Greek; they have no foundation in linguistic science and serve no useful purpose, in my estimation.
[2]-




Tuesday, April 07, 2009

Macedonian Documents Collection







by Makedonas82

Friday, January 16, 2009

THE PROPERTIES QUESTION(Slav Macedonians Political Separatists)

This chapter  is  from a book in Greek, (Macedonia in non-Greek archives, pages 22-37), a collection of timely specialist essays, published  on line by Society of Balkan Studies . The present work makes available - for the first time in Greece or elsewhere - confidential documents from Yugoslav and Bulgarian state archives that reveal how and for what purposes the governments of Greece’s two neighbours handled the Macedonian Question from 1950 to 1967, the crucial period that followed on from the Greek Civil War, where Greek Macedonia was the main theatre of operations.FYROM has even tried to reopen World War II issues that European countries have put behind them for good; issues that have no place in our common journey towards ever closer union.

HISTORICAL BACKGROUND

In Greek Macedonia during the 1940s two Slav Macedonian activist organizations went to work to achieve the union of Greek Macedonia with the Yugoslav Federation, either by becoming an autonomous region or by seceding from Greece. SNOF, and its successor NOF, exploited a fluid situation - the Triple Occupation and then the Greek Civil War – to pursue their goals. Their leaders trimmed their sails to the wind, siding with the Bulgarian conqueror and then with the Yugoslav Communists as it suited them.

When the Triple Occupation of Greece ended – in Autumn 1944 – quislings were were brought to trial, in a series of legal proceedings, on charges of collaboration. Among the accused were a large number of Slav Macedonians who had made themselves useful to the Bulgarians and had subsequently left Greece. The same went for those who had worked for the secession of Greek Macedonia during the Civil War. These individuals were stripped of their Greek nationality and had their estates confiscated - normal official practice followed in all countries against collaborators with the Axis Powers in World War Two.

The question of the properties of fugitives and refugees from Greece was one that was already on the minds of the Yugoslav authorities in the early 1950s. Initially it was widely thought that the negotiations with Greece should include a demand for indemnities. Nevertheless, this line of thought was soon abandoned; the Yugoslav Foreign Ministry’s legal department had given its opinion that anything of the sort would be legally null and void, for various good reasons. This ruling was of course known to PRM’s regional government. Eventually it was decided to handle the matter purely politically. The sequel is of considerable interest. Yugoslavia could have dumped the whole problem in the lap of a joint Greek-Yugoslav Commission, set up in the late 1950s, whose job it was to look into the matter of properties owned by Greek and Yugoslav subjects resident in these two countries, but abandoned during the 1940s. Instead, Yugoslavia once more deliberately refused to do this, precisely in order not to lose a valuable bargaining counter. The documents below are revealing as to the aims and methods of Yugoslavia’s federal
chiefs and the local leaders in PRM.

Click the images to view them  in higher resolution.
















Monday, September 29, 2008

Risto Stefov(aka Chris Stefou) vs Carnegie: Misrepresenting the 1914 Carnegie Report

Chris Stefou(aka Risto Stefov) once more use his Historical revisionism (also but less often in English "negationism"). This term describes the process that attempts to rewrite history by minimizing, denying or simply ignoring essential facts. Perpetrators of such attempts to distort the historical record often use the term because it allows them to cloak their illegitimate activities with a phrase which has a legitimate. It is sometimes hard for a non-historian to distinguish between a book published by a historian doing peer-reviwed acedemic work, and a bestselling "amateur writer of history".
In his articles Chris Stefou(aka Risto Stefov) used the most known forms , parts from the most common tactics of the Historical Revisionism-Negationism.
  • The selective use of facts
  • The denial or derision of known facts
  • Argument from ignorance (hence the historian community's emphasis on the importance of historical memory and historical studies)
  • The assumption of unproven facts
  • The fabrication of facts
  • The obfuscation of facts
more in this thread.

Chris Philipou in his blog has written a great article that expose Stefov as about the Carnegie Commision Report "claims". Read the article and you will realize why this person is a expert of the Slavmacedonian (FYROM) Historical revisionism
..........................

In 1914 the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace published a report regarding the conduct of the nations that participated in the Balkan Wars. The report was written by an international commission that was dispatched to the region in order to investigate the actions of the Balkan armies as well as to investigate the causes of the various conflicts that took place during the wars.


Risto Stefov, who also publishes books under the name "Chris Stefou", has used the 1914 Carnegie Commission Report on the Balkan Wars as a primary reference for many of his articles. He has written a whole series titled "Greek attrocities in Macedonia" which can be found on maknews.com

In these articles Stefov engages in a heavy dose of historical revisionism. He implies that the Carnegie Commission report describes atrocities committed against "ethnic Macedonians" when in fact the report made no mention of any "ethnic Macedonian" population. The fact that the report made no mention of "ethnic Macedonians" does not phase Stefov who shamelessly converts the Bulgarians the report described into "ethnic Macedonians". Stefov retrospectively molds the population descriptions found in the report to adhere to his nationalist historiography. He and his followers imply that the reason the report described "ethnic Macedonians" as Bulgarians was because the authors of the report were categorizing by religious affiliation. Their theory suggests that because 'ethnic Macedonians' attended the Bulgarian church (Exarchy) they were described as Bulgarians.

The report demolishes this theory in 2 ways:

The report makes it clear that those who attended the Bulgarian church were of Bulgarian nationality. If these people were actually "ethnic Macedonians" why would the authors of the report make the following statement?:

2. The report clearly states that the Serbs were amongst the first to categorize the Slavs of Macedonia as a distinct group from the Bulgarians for political purposes. The authors of the report clearly viewed the Slavic population as Bulgarian despite the claim of Serbian scholars who attempted to distinguish this group from the Bulgarians in order to diminish Bulgaria's claim to the region:
It should be sobering for Stefov's readers to actually read the pages of the report and to see for themselves how the "ethnic Macedonians" Stefov describes in his articles were actually recorded as Bulgarians by the international commisison. As an example Stefov goes into length describing attrocities committed in Kukush by the Greek army. This is how the actual report describes Kukush:



Regardless of Stefov's attempts to focus only on the actions of the Greek army in order to demonize the Greek state as much as possible, the fact is that the 1914 Carnegie Commission report also describes atrocities committed by the other combatants. As an example this is an excerpt from the report which describes the massacre of Greeks in the Greek town of Doxato:


The report was published during an era when the "Macedonian" ethno/national identity was still in it's infancy stages. The report provides the reader with valuable contemporary insight into how contemporary geopolitical dynamics fostered the notion that the Slavs of the region were a distinct ethnic group. Up to the period of the Balkan Wars the Slavic population of the region was largely regarded as Bulgarian. The 1914 Carnegie Commisison report was authored by an international commission that spent time in the region. Their observations of the Slavic population of the region concurs with a vast number of other contemporary first hand accounts . Stefov and his nationalist cronies engage in a dishonest practice when they misrepresent the commission's first hand observations and reconstruct the Bulgarians described in the report as "ethnic Macedonians".
Implying that the Carnegie Commission failed to record what Stefov et al allege was the largest ethnic group in the region is akin to a modern international commission going into Palestine and not recording any Palestinians!



Wednesday, September 03, 2008

1878 - Proclamation of the Temporary Government of Macedonia requesting Unification with Greece

This proclamation shatters 3 Slavmacedonian (FYROM) propagandistic lies about Macedonia:

FYROM propagandistic claim #1:
The name ‘Macedonia’ was not used by Greeks until after 1988. Until 1988, the area was known as ‘Northern Greece’ or ‘Northern New Territories’.As is evident in the Proclamation written in pure Greek by Macedonian Greeks this is simply not true. ‘The Ministry of Northern Greece’ changed its name to ‘The Ministry of Macedonia and Thrace’ in 1988…not the department/province!

FYROM propagandistic claim #2:
There were no Greeks in Macedonia until after Greece invaded and expelled the ‘Macedonians’ in 1912 and brought more Greeks from Turkey in 1923.Again, shameless lies. This document is proof that Greeks in Macedonia, not wanting to be ruled by Turkey anymore, took up arms and started a revolution. They formed a government and appealed to Greece and the European Powers to unite them with their motherland Greece! All this as Turkey was getting ready to sign the Treaty of San Stefano which allowed Russia to give Macedonia to Bulgaria.

FYROM propagandistic claim #3:
There was no Greek revolution against Turkey in Macedonia as happened in Southern Greece because there were no Greeks living in Macedonia.
This lie can now be destroyed along with the rest of Skopjean Macedonism and irredentism. To continue to propagate these lies is not worthy of a civil society.

THE DOCUMENT


DECLARATION OF THE TEMPORARY GOVERNMENT OF MACEDONIA

To the Governments of the European powers

The long lasting sufferings which the respectable governments have heard about from their representatives, and which by now have reached a state of stressful despair, have obliged the inhabitants of Macedonia to take up arms in order to defend their lives, their honour and property. Calling a meeting today the representatives of the various communities in Macedonia, overthrew the Sultan’s tyrannical authority, declared the union of Macedonia with mother Greece, and chose us in order to form the Temporary Government of the revolution with the obligation to ask from the Christian super powers their mighty protection for the justification of our fight…(Macedonia) is ready to be freed and connected to mother Greece, even if it needs to be delivered to fire and disaster rather than continue living under the tyranny of various Turkish notables. They destroyed and violated the honour and sanctity of family life. All promises and obligations that the Turkish authorities gave to its subjects have proved by now to be nothing more than purposely sly and deceptive. The Turkish government has several times granted rights but tyranny has never been loosened. On the contrary, our misfortunes became endless and horrible because this government has neither power nor authority. Therefore, we were forced to seek our arms so that we may die as men as Greeks if we are not allowed to live like logical and free men.

[Signed] In Litohoro, Mt. Olympus [on] 19th February, 1878 [by the members of]

The Temporary Government of Macedonia:

Evangelos Korovangos, President;
A. Asteriou;
G.V. Zahariadis;
Nikiforos, Monastic priest;
Athanasios Georgiou;
Ioannis G. Vergidis;
Giannis Nikolaou

We ask the Consul General of Greece to read [and transmit] the present document.


CONSULATE’S LETTER

Pages 81, 84, 116, and 117
From the book:
Macedonia, Macedonian Struggle, Greece-Macedonia 4000 Years
By: Konstantinos Douflias, Historian-Folklorist-Journalist
1992
Aegean Publications

Monday, July 21, 2008

Documents that concern the Greek Abducted Children Issue


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261 - Letter to the Vice President on the Need for Repatriating Displaced Greek Children.September 29th, 1950

Dear Mr. Vice President:

I know that all Americans share the Senate's humanitarian concern for the thousands of Greek children removed from Greece during the guerrilla warfare and now being held in eastern Europe. Freedom-loving people throughout the world are repelled by the inhumanity embodied in the unjustified retention of these innocent children far from their parents and their native land.
The Executive Branch has exerted and will continue to exert every feasible effort to encourage the repatriation of these children. I am certain that the United Nations has been encouraged in its efforts to effect the children's return by the Senate's deep and sympathetic concern as expressed in S. Res. 212 on September 13, 1950.Very sincerely yours,

HARRY S. TRUMAN
[Honorable Albert W. Barkley, Vice President of the United States, Washington, D.C.]
Note: S. Res. 212 is printed in the Congressional Record (vol. 96, p. 14667).

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June 28 1950
Lords Sitting : ABDUCTED GREEK CHILDREN§ 2.40 p.m.

§ VISCOUNT CECIL OF CHELWOOD
My Lords, I beg to ask the Question which stands in my name on the Order Paper.

§ [The Question was as follows:
§ To ask whether His Majesty's Government have made representations, either directly or through the United Nations, to urge the return of the Greek children abducted from their homes by the Governments of certain countries neighbouring on Greece and whether they will undertake to vote against the admission of any of those countries to the United Nations until full reparation, including the return of the children, has been made for this hideous crime.]

§ THE LORD CHANCELLOR (VISCOUNT JOWITT)
My Lords, at the General Assembly of the United Nations in 1948 and 1949 the United Kingdom representative supported resolutions urging the States concerned to assist the International Red Cross in the repatriation of these children, and the International Red Cross have been and are continuing their most praiseworthy efforts to put right this tragic situation. With regard to the second part 1130 of the Question, it is the view of His Majesty's Government that the veto should not me used in the Security Council in connection with the admission of new members. It is most unlikely, however, that States which are violating resolutions of the United Nations would command the necessary majority to secure their admission.

§ VISCOUNT CECIL OF CHELWOOD
My Lords, I am obliged to my noble and learned friend for his reply, but I should be glad if he could tell the House more particularly what measure of success has been achieved by the Red Cross in returning these unhappy children to their homes. I certainly hope that the Government will consider most carefully whether they will do anything to facilitate the entry into the United Nations of countries which have openly and arrogantly set at nought all the representations that have been made by the United Nations Assembly.

§ THE LORD CHANCELLOR
My Lords, I wish I could give the noble Viscount some news which was more comforting to him and to me. I cannot. The exact number of Greek children removed from Greece by the Greek guerillas during the recent rebellion is not, of course, known, but it is generally supposed that the total is somewhere between 25,000 and 30,000. Applications for the repatriation of 9,500 Greek children have been forwarded by the Greek Red Cross to the International Red Cross, but so far not one child has been returned to Greece. About twenty Greek children have recently left Yugoslavia to join their parents who are now in Australia, and His Majesty's Government earnestly hope that the resumption of full diplomatic relations between Greece and Yugoslavia will lead to a settlement of all problems between the two countries, including particularly this problem.

§ VISCOUNT CECIL OF CHELWOOD
My Lords, that practically amounts to this: that the efforts of the Red Cross have been totally unsuccessful. They have not succeeded in getting one single child back to its home. In those circumstances, I venture to press upon the Government the necessity of taking this matter very seriously and really trying to wipe off the face of Europe the shocking crimes that are being committed in this way.

1131
§ THE LORD CHANCELLORMy Lords, I can assure the noble Viscount that there is no need to press His Majesty's Government to take this matter seriously. This is a matter which must shock the mind and conscience of any decent citizen.

Section citation: HL Deb 28 June 1950 vol 167 cc1129-31.
Source: HANSARD

Saturday, July 19, 2008

Times Articles for child abductions in the Greek civil war

As the Twig Is Bent
by Times, Monday, Mar. 15, 1948

Give us the child for eight years, and it will be a Bolshevist forever.
—Lenin

In the bleak city hall of Kozane, a northern Greek mountain town, 13 peasants stood before a U. N. field team. The peasants had been hostages of General Markos Vafiades' Communist Andartes. In the mixed Greek-Slav-Albanian dialect of the Macedonian border people, they haltingly told their story.

Black-shawled Athena Papalexiou, 50, spoke first. "All children between 3 and 14 are being registered by the Andartes," she said. The rebels had told the parents that the children would be sent to good homes in the Slav "democracies." "Would the children come back again?" asked'an investigator. "It was forbidden to discuss the matter," replied Athena.

John Natsis and Zagarus Voiliotis had been billeted with a widower in Kranies, in the rebel-controlled northwest corner of Greece. They had watched the widower give the names and ages of his three children to a rebel officer and a clerk. "They told him he must be glad that his children would be taken away to the safety of other countries," said the two peasants. "They said soon the Monarcho-Fascists would bomb Kranies, and in Rumania his children would receive a good education."

When Athens newspapers blared forth the story of "mass kidnaping," some foreigners were skeptical, at first. But a sensitive Greek nerve was touched. Greeks never forget that for centuries the armies and government of their conquerors, the Turks, had been manned by children of Christian families, caught young and trained for their jobs.

Were Greeks to be ruled again by their own children, kidnaped and alienated? Confirmation came from the rebels themselves. The Communist radio in northern Greece bluntly announced that 12,000 Greek children had been "recruited for educational purposes." Markos agents were already negotiating with Balkan members of the Cominform, including Rumania, Bulgaria and Yugoslavia, to provide homes for the recruits.*

Said an Athens spokesman: the plan "was intended to destroy Greece by destroying Greece's future—her youth." The Greek government hurried off a sharp note to the U.N. Balkan committee in Salonika, charging the Reds with "genocide," and asked for immediate action. Two committees were appointed and the issue labeled "top priority."

As the U.N. committee waited for the report of its investigators, the Markos radio went on the air again. From 69 villages of "free Greece," a broadcast reported, 4,884 children had already been transported across the frontier into Albania, Yugoslavia and Bulgaria "for maintenance and education."

* Historian Arnold J. Toynbee points out that the Turks transferred to human administration a great invention of their Caspian steppe home land: the use of domestic animals to control other animals. As they had trained dogs to watch their herds, "the Ottoman Padishahs maintained their empire by training slaves as human auxil iaries 'to assist them in keeping order among their 'human cattle.' " The most promising of the children were taken into the court as pages, oth ers were farmed out temporarily as slaves. In struction in the Mohammedan faith, hard labor, savage punishment, meticulous education and an unceasing appeal to ambition developed a gov erning and military class of "human watchdogs" that kept the Ottoman power flourishing through four centuries (1371-1774).

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Innocents' Day
by TIMES, Monday, Jan. 09, 1950

Peace had come to battered, impoverished Greece; the Communist guerrillas had been driven out, perhaps for good. But last week, on Innocents' Day (the Church calendar's anniversary of Herod's Slaughter of the Innocents in Judea), Greece had a day of mourning—for 28,000 children abducted by the bandits and now living on foreign, Communist soil.

A two-gun salute from Mount Lycabettus woke Athenians at dawn. Church bells tolled and flags drooped at half-mast. Newspapers appeared with black-framed front pages. Places of amusement were closed all day, and for half an hour all traffic stopped, streets emptied, doors were closed and blinds drawn.

Queens Do Not Beg. Earnest young Queen Frederika, mother of three, broadcast a poignant message from the royal palace. She begged for the return of the 28,000 children living in exile "as a mother—because queens are not supposed to beg." Added Frederika: "The civilized world has remained silent too long."

The civilized world had made some well-meaning but ineffective protests. UNSCOB (the U.N.'s Special Committee on the Balkans) had verified the mass deportation of Greek children. The U.N. General Assembly had called on Yugoslavia, Bulgaria, Poland, Czechoslovakia, Hungary, and Rumania for the return of the children. These governments had finally agreed to return any children called for by petition of their parents. Up to last week the Greek Red Cross had forwarded 8,000 petitions, but not one child had been sent back.

Not Even Goodbye. In the palace with Frederika was a group of black-clad peasant women huddled at her side. Kaliroe Gouloumi, from Gorgopotamos, in Epirus, remembered how the Communists took her children:
"They were in our village for a year. First they took our animals, then our food, then our children. I had three."

Kaliroe wiped her eyes with her black shawl.
"They did not even let me say goodbye. They said they were no longer my children but their children."

Said Kleoniki Kiprou from Monopilo Kastoria:
"First they hanged the priest, then they cut off his mother's hands, and then they ordered us to follow them. What could we do?"

In Albania her eight-year-old girl and five-year-old boy were taken from her and a rifle was thrust into her hands. Tapping the weapon, the rebel capetdnias said:
"This is your husband, this your child."


Kleoniki was forced into the battle of Vitsi. She deserted and got back to her village—without her children. In Fourka Konitsa, the villagers learned in advance of the guerrillas' abduction plans.


They hid the children in ditches. The guerrillas, frustrated, took Sofia Makri and 20 other mothers to the mountains and tortured them. Said Sofia last week:
"They hung us from pine trees. They burned our feet with coals. They beat us. When we fainted they revived us with cold water from the spring. Fourteen of us died up there but we did not tell. When the Greek army entered our village they found the dead living, for out of the earth came our children."

There is no evidence that the Greek children living in Communist countries are physically abused. International Red Cross investigators have seen some of the children and reported that they are well fed. They are being schooled as young Communists and they are expected to feel and show enthusiasm.

Said a U.N. delegate in despair:
"In ten years there will be no abducted Greek children; they will have been absorbed."

Thursday, July 03, 2008

Report Of The Commission Of Investigation Concerning Greek Frontier Incidents(1947)

On May 27, 1947, the Commission of Investigation Concerning Greek Frontier Incidents submitted its report to the Security Council. Appointed under the Security Council resolution of December 19, 1946, the Commission, composed of representatives of the eleven members of the Security Council, held the first of its 113 meetings in Athens on January 30, 1947.

The Commission had a secretariat of 27 persons, rotated the chairmanship weekly among its members, and decided that the liaison officers appointed by Greece, Yugoslavia, Albania and Bulgaria would participate in ail public meetings on the same basis as had the representatives of these countries when the matter was originally before the Security Council.

A total of 256 witnesses or statements were presented, of which 79 were submitted by Greece, 22 by Albania, 33 by Bulgaria and 60 by Yugoslavia. Over 30 field inves­tigations were made in the four countries concerned, by the Commission itself or by one or another of the seven teams appointed by it.

The members of the Com­mission were: Australia, J. D. L. Hood; Belgium, Lt. Gen. Maurice Delvoie; Brazil, Antonio Mendes Vianna; China, Dr. Wunsz King; Colombia, Francisco Urrutia; France, Georges Daux; Poland, Jerzy Putrament; Syria, Ihsan el-Sherif; United Kingdom, R. T. Windle; United States, Mark F. Ethridge; and the Soviet Union, A. A. Lavrischev.

Following the resolution of the Security Council of April 18, 1947, the Commission set up a Subsidiary Group on April 30, with headquarters at Salonika, with its authority limited to

a) investigation of such incidents since March 22, 1947, as might be brought to its attention,

b) refusal to hear evidence which had been or could have been available to the Commission itself, and

c) re­quirement that no investigation would be made except by formal decision.

The report, prepared by two drafting committees under the chairmanship of Dr. Wunsz King (China) and Francisco Urrutia (Colombia), the latter of whom was the Commission's rapporteur, was in four parts. The first two parts, containing the history and organization, plus a survey of the evidence, were accepted by all repre­sentatives, although some minor reservations were entered by the United Kingdom and Soviet members.The conclusions of the Commission, embodied in Part III, were accepted by Aus­tralia, Belgium, Brazil, China, Colombia, Syria, the United Kingdom and the United States.

The general conclusion as about Macedonia issue was as follows:

2) The Yugoslav and Bulgarian Governments themselves revived and promoted a separatist movement among the Slav minorities in Macedonia. In making this finding, the Commission pointed out that some 20,000 Greek citizens had fled to Yugoslavia and some 5,000 to Bulgaria — most of them Slavs — and that the treatment of this group by Greek officials had "provided fertile breeding ground for separatist movements." In Yugoslavia, Macedonian separatism was the special goal of an organization called the NOF (National Labor Front) which had its headquarters in Skoplje and Monastir.

Below you can read the whole section that has as reference the Macedonia issue...





Sources:
International Organization, Vol. 1, No. 3, (Sep., 1947), pp. 494-508
A Decade of American Foreign Policy: Basic Documents, 1941-4,(U.S. Govt. Print. Off), 1950

Wednesday, July 02, 2008

Documents and Macedonia II

U.S STATE DEPARTMENT
Foreign Relations Vol. VIII
Washington D.C.
Circular Airgram
(868.014/26 Dec. 1944)

The Secretary of State to Certain Diplomatic and Consular Officers

The following is for your information and general guidance, but not for any positive action at this time. The Department has noted with considerable apprehension increasing propaganda rumors and semi-official statements in favor of an autonomous Macedonia, emanating principally from Bulgaria, but also from Yugoslav Partisan and other sources, with the implication that Greek territory would be included in the projected state.

This Government considers talk of Macedonian "nation", Macedonian "Fatherland", or Macedonia "national consiousness" to be unjustified demagoguery representing no ethnic nor political reality, and sees in its present revival a possible cloak for aggressive intentions against Greece".

The approved policy of this Government is to oppose any revival of the Macedonian issue as related to Greece. The Greek section of Macedonia is largery inhabited by Greeks, and the Greek people are almost unanimously opposed to the creation of a Macodonian state. Allegations of serious Greek participation in any such agitation can be assumed to be false. This Government would regard as responsible any Government or group of Governments tolerating or encouraging menacing or aggressive acts of "Macedonian Forces" against Greece.

The Department would appreciate any information pertiment to this subject which may come to your attention.

Below the original paper, taken from Nikolaos Martis(EU and the pseudo-Macedonian nation of Skopje, page 33)






Sunday, May 11, 2008

Documents and Macedonia

Proclamation 1 of the Anti-Fascist Assembly of the National Liberation of Macedonia (ASNOM), Skopje, August 1944

Macedonians under Bulgaria and Greece,

The unification of the entire Macedonian people depends on your participation in the gigantic anti-Fascist front. Only by fighting the vile Fascist occupier will you gain your right to self-determination and to unification of the entire Macedonian people within the framework of Tito’s Yugoslavia, which has become a free community of emancipated and equal peoples. May the struggle of the Macedonian Piedmont incite you to even bolder combat against the Fascist oppressors!

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Proclamation 2 of the Anti-Fascist Assembly of the National Liberation of Macedonia (ASNOM), Skopje, August 1944

People of Macedonia!

In the course of three years of combat you have achieved your unity, developed your army and laid the basis for the federal Macedonian state. With the participation of the entire Macedonian nation in the struggle against the Fascist occupiers of Yugoslavia, Bulgaria and Greece you will achieve unification of all parts of Macedonia, divided in 1915 and 1918 by Balkan imperialists.

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Constitution of the of the former Yugoslav Republic of Macedonia (FYROM)
There is a critical point of concern in their preamble, they define their FYROM state as a departure from the " ...historic decisions of the Anti-Fascist Assembly of the People's Liberation of Macedonia (ASNOM)... ". The problem is that ASNOM had called for the "Macedonians" in Bulgaria and other countries to unite under Tito's rule.. as shown in the proclamations

[Preamble]
Taking as starting points the historical, cultural, spiritual and statehood heritage of the Macedonian people and their struggle over centuries for national and social freedom as well as the creation of their own state, and particularly the traditions of statehood and legality of the Krushevo Republic and the historic decisions of the Anti-Fascist Assembly of the People's Liberation of Macedonia, together with the constitutional and legal continuity of the Macedonian state as a sovereign republic within Federal Yugoslavia and and freely manifested will of the citizens of the Republic of Macedonia in the referendum of 8 Sep 1991, as well as the historical fact that Macedonia is established as a national state of the Macedonian people, in which ..........

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Declaration of the 6th Balkan Communist Conference (March 1924) issued under the directives of the Comintern for a United Republic of Macedonia and Thrace.
Text in International Press Correspondence, May l, 1924

A united and autonomous Macedonia is now the slogan of the Macedonians in all corners of their Fatherland, which is covered with ruins. It is under this slogan that they are organizing and conducting the struggle…. In setting up the ideal of a workers’ and peasants’ government, the communist parties and the Communist Federation of the Balkans declare that the Federative Republic of the Balkans will assure peace, independence and liberty of development of all the peoples of the Peninsula that it will be a voluntary union of independent Balkan Republics, including the Republic of Macedonia and Thrace.

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Confidential circular sent by Secretary of State Edward Stettinius to U.S. missions (December 26, 1944) considering talk of a “Macedonian” nation or state to be “unjustified demagoguery” and a cloak for aggressive intentions against Greece.
U.S.State Department, Foreign Relations vol.viii Washington, D.C., Circular Airgram, (868.014/26 Dec.1944)

The Secretary of State to Certain Diplomatic and Consular Officers The following is for your information and general guidance, but not for any positive action at this time. The Department has noted with considerable apprehension increasing propaganda rumors and semi-official statements in favor of an autonomous Macedonia, emanating principally from Bulgaria, but also from Yugoslav Partisan and other sources, with the implication that Greek territory would be included in the projected state. “This Government considers talk of Macedonian “nation”, Macedonian “Fatherland”, or Macedonian “national consciousness” to be unjustified demagoguery representing no ethnic nor political reality, and sees in its present revival a possible cloak for aggressive intentions against Greece”. The approved policy of this Government is to oppose any revival of the Macedonian issue as related to Greece. The Greek section of Macedonia is largely inhabited by Greeks, and the Greek people are almost unanimously opposed to the creation of a Macedonian state. Allegations of serious Greek participation in any such agitation can be assumed to be false. This Government would regard as responsible any Government or group of Governments tolerating or encouraging menacing or aggressive acts of “Macedonian Forces” against Greece. The department would appreciate any information pertinent to this subject which may come to your attention.

Stettinius
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Stalin’s views, for the unification of Macedonia under Tito and the annexation of Greek Thrace by Bulgaria.
The text of these minutes was taken from the Archives of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Bulgaria. It was published in the Sofia newspaper Otecestven Vestnik, June 19,1990.

Stalin to the Bulgarian delegation (on Macedonia):
“Cultural autonomy must be granted to Pirin Macedonia within the framework of Bulgaria. In view of the present situation no haste should be displayed in this regard…. You do not want to grant autonomy to Pirin Macedonia. The fact that the population has yet to develop a Macedonian consciousness is of no account.
No such consciousness existed in Belorus either when we proclaimed it a Soviet republic.
However, later it was shown that a Belorussian people did in fact exist” …. Stalin to the Bulgarian delegation (on Bulgarian access to the Aegean):
“We and the Americans were not parties to the drawing of the borders [in 1919J and do not recognize them as just. You should demand territorial access to the Aegean, and if this is not accepted, you should demand economie (access). You have the right to demand territorial access, but it is difficult to count upon obtaining it today. Such demand can be fulfilled only through the use of force. But in any case you should préparé yourselves for the future”…

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FYROM Government Newspaper, No.80 (30 December 1993), Article 196.
Law on Insurance for Pensioners and the Disabled. Though there have repeatedly been amendment to the Law, the provision in question, dating from 1993, is still today in force. Also the "Aegean Macedonia" is a Macedonian Slav nationalist term used to refer to the region of Macedonia in Greece, in the context of a United Macedonia. The origins of the term seem to be rooted in the 1940s but its modern usage is widely considered ambiguous and irredentist. The term has occasionally appeared on maps circulated in the Republic of Macedonia, which envisioned Greek Macedonia (referred to as "Aegean Macedonia") as part of a "Greater Macedonia", and is regarded as a challenge of of the legitimacy of Greek sovereignity over the area

Pensions for combatants in the National Liberation Army who took part in the National Liberation Movement in the Aegean Part of Macedonia, and their families, if in being before the date when this Law came into force, are, by virtue of the Law on fundamental rights of insurance for Pensioners and the Disabled, the Law for those who have received the 1941 Partisan Commemorative Award, and the Law on Pensioners and the Disabled, through-insured even after the date upon which the present Law came into force, as broadly and as deeply as laid down by the previous provisions, on condition that pensions of this kind will amount to no more than the figure of the highest pension laid down by the present Law’.

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